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StudentNation


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August 30, 2024

A lack of knowledge about the process—from registration to marking a ballot—is often the main barrier between youth and voting. “If young people sit it out, that will have an impact.”

Members of 18by Vote engaging in youth peer-to-peer organizing.

(Jessika Landon)

Despite a marked increase in enthusiasm among the Democratic Party and young people, advocates and activists maintain growing concern over youth voter participation this November—especially in traditionally blue New York State.

“Historically, New York has some of the worst voter turnouts in the nation and that includes young people,” said Justin Yulo, a project coordinator at the New York Public Interest Research Group.

Many young voters have not yet been persuaded by either party, with Kamala Harris’s history as a prosecutor and the Biden administration’s continued support of the brutal war on Gaza weighing on progressive voters. These fears were exacerbated by the Democrats’ refusal to put a Palestinian speaker on stage during their four-day convention, giving pause to activists hoping for a more aggressive posture against Israel’s war from Harris.

“We live in an underfunded and over-policed neighborhood, and nothing has ever changed. No voting has ever changed that,” said Victoria, a 20-year-old student at the City University of New York who was arrested in April after participating in the Gaza solidarity encampment. “Whatever party is in charge has not changed that. So why even try?” she said. She emphasized the magnitude of the Israel-Gaza conflict to younger voters, especially those in New York City. “By not being pro-Palestinian and not advocating for an immediate ceasefire or for Palestinian liberation, you are turning away a big demographic for youth voters.”

New York will be nothing short of a key battleground this year, as a minimum of seven out of 26 congressional seats are expected to be tight races as Democrats and Republicans fight for control of the House.

Consequently, several organizations have stepped up to spur interest among youth voters in New York—not just in the presidential election but also in races for the New York Senate, Assembly and congressional seats.

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Cover of September 2024 Issue

The 2020 presidential elections saw record youth turnout. In New York City, 59.3 percent of voters aged 18–29 participated in the general election, a 3.4 percent increase from the 2016 general election, according to the New York City Campaign Finance Board.

“A common misunderstanding is that young people are apathetic about politics,” said Lucille Wenegieme, recently appointed executive director of Headcount, a national nonprofit dedicated to promoting civic engagement through music and entertainment. “In reality, they are deeply passionate about a broad spectrum of issues from social justice to economic opportunity,” Wenegieme said. “What they need is access, information, and encouragement to turn their passion into action.”

On May 8, the Type Media Center in conjunction with the Puffin Foundation held an event with more than a dozen different organizations—including Headcount, which won the night’s Creative Citizenship award—seeking to address obstacles that hinder the youth vote in New York. [Full disclosure: The Puffin Foundation is the primary funder of StudentNation, the program under whose aegis this article is published.]

Promoting youth engagement holds personal value for the Puffin Foundation’s president, Neal Rosenstein. As a student at SUNY Purchase more than 40 years ago, Rosenstein sued the State Board of Elections for the right to vote on campus, using the address of his Westchester student apartment where he was counted as a resident, according to the US Census.

“The Puffin Foundation has embraced democracy and the right of young people for their voices to be heard,” Rosenstein said. “It’s part of our DNA. The youth are gonna inherit the earth. There is no one better that we should be focusing on empowering, because you have the most at stake, you have the most idealism, and usually are the least corrupted by feelings of greed or selfishness or other forces that tend to weigh heavily as they seem to grow older—not me I hope!”

This electoral cycle, a sizable number of youth voters have committed themselves to the “uncommitted campaign,” making clear their dissatisfaction with the Democratic Party’s stance on Gaza. According to the Uncommitted National Movement, more than 101,000 people voted “Uncommitted” on Super Tuesday. In total, as many as 500,000 Americans voted “Uncommitted,” “No preference,” and “Uninstructed” in the Democratic primaries.

Voting “Uncommitted” can be a “great organizing tactic” in the presidential primaries, says Ava Mateo, the president of youth-led organization 18by Vote. However, in the context of the elections in November, she says it is less useful since the candidates are decided, and cannot be changed, unlike in the primaries.

“No matter what, I would encourage people to show up to the polls, vote down your ballot, and really look at all of the different ways that you’re being represented. Look at the issues that matter to you and see where the candidates stand on those,” Mateo said. “Gen Z is not motivated to vote based on politicians. They’re motivated to vote based on the issues that they care about. And so that is the way that we need to really be talking about elections.”

Shabiq Kennedy, a student at CUNY Hunter College, voted “Uncommitted” in the New York Democratic primaries. For Kennedy, the foremost reason was “the ongoing genocide in Palestine and perpetration of it by the Biden administration,” but they also felt a shift in ideas and rhetoric of the Democratic Party.

Despite the change in candidacy, the Harris-Walz ticket does not move Kennedy, who remains set on voting “Uncommitted” in November. “If I chose to not vote ‘Uncommitted,’ I would be stating that any candidate is permitted to completely ignore the ideas and will of their voter base, as long as they wear a blue pin,” Kennedy said. “I severely doubt that the Democratic Party will listen to the voters dissatisfied enough to do the same as me, but it will send a message that the things happening cannot continue with the consent and approval of me and many others.”

Olivia Brady, the youth programs manager for the New York City Campaign Finance Board, believes that in order to increase youth voter turnout, there needs to be a cultural shift to address what she believes to be a systemic issue. “A lot of times, those conversations about voting are saying that voting is your civic duty. Or if you don’t vote, you don’t get to complain,” Brady said. “But nobody has really taken the time to take it a step further to explain what’s going on, explaining how our taxpayer money is actually allocated, how that it’s tied to our vote, and really emphasizing the fact that our elected officials really listen to people that turn out to vote.”

Brady oversees engagement strategies in low-income neighborhoods like the South Bronx, Jackson Heights, and East New York. Some of these strategies include voting registration workshops and civic engagement sessions for high school and college students, as well as a paid youth ambassador program for older teenagers. The youth ambassadors travel around the city to share voting and election information and help mobilize young people to be more civically engaged. NYCCFB also hosts “Get Out the Vote” events at NYC schools, places of worship, and local libraries.

Like Brady, Blair Horner, executive director of New York Public Interest Research Group, believes that a lack of knowledge about the voting process—from registration to marking a ballot—is often the main barrier between young people and the voting booths, which could swing many of the elections in 2024. “In a deeply polarized country, which is essentially 50-50 Democrats-Republicans, new voters will make all the difference. If young people sit it out, that will have an impact. And if young people turn out, that will have an impact, no matter what young people do, they will have an impact,” Horner said. “The question is, do they show up? And how do they vote?”

Ariadna Pavlidis, the student president of Hunter College, believes that civic engagement through voting is “crucial” for her generation, especially for CUNY students as the election has a potentially greater impact for her and her peers than for many other Americans. “While it’s understandable that many of us might feel disconnected from the candidates or disillusioned with the political system, it’s important to remember that our vote is a powerful tool for sending a message to those in power about our needs and values,” said Pavlidis. “The political process can be slow and frustrating, but the changes we advocate for are worth the wait.”

For Justin Yulo, increasing youth turnout starts with not only with registering but also doing on-the-ground work to combat voter suppression and promote policy reforms such as the New Deal for CUNY and SUNY. In 2022, New York implemented new measures to increase college campuses’ accessibility to polling places, including a new policy that any school with at least 300 registered voters should have a polling place on campus.

Looking ahead to November, Yulo believes the youth turnout could have a decisive impact on local elections, such as the race in Long Island’s District 3, to replace former representative George Santos, and several swing districts that could help determine whether the Democrats regain control of the House.

With the lack of satisfaction many feel with the two-party system—and the presidential candidates that lead them—many young people simply do not feel like participating in the system with the cost of living at an all-time high, worsening climate change, and domestic injustice running rampant as we fund wars overseas. “I can absolutely understand the circumstances of what students may not feel like voting,” said Yulo, “but I’d say it is a way to show your priorities as a student.”

“The student vote really does matter,” he said. “In these local elections, there are tight congressional races that are decided upon by only just a hundred votes.”

Can we count on you?

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Aminata Gueye

Aminata Gueye is a 2024 Puffin student writing fellow focusing on immigration for The Nation. She is a student at Lehman College, where she is a double major in journalism and Africana studies and a research assistant. She has presented at the Investigative Reporters and Editors conference of 2023 and the PAHM International Conference.

Nikole Rajgor

Nikole Rajgor is a 2024 Puffin student writing fellow focusing on voting rights for The Nation. She is a student at Hunter College and a New York Times Scholar. She is the editor-in-chief of her campus newspaper, The Envoy, where she has covered breaking news, student housing, on-campus issues, and culture.

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The complex Kennedy legacy has reactionary as well as liberal strands. Former Republican presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Donald Trump shake hands during a campaign rally at Desert Diamond Arena on August 23, 2024, in Glendale, Arizona. When he endorsed Donald Trump last Friday, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (RFK Jr.) ignited a family drama. His famous family name is one of RFK Jr.’s main political assets, so it was not surprising that in explaining why he was suspending his campaign and backing Trump, he claimed the posthumous support of the two most famous members of his clan, his father, Robert F. Kennedy (RFK), and his uncle John F. Kennedy (JFK), both assassinated in the 1960s. RFK Jr. claimed that the two deceased statesmen “are looking down right now and they are very, very proud.” This audacious and galling claim was too much for Kennedy’s family. Five of RFK Jr.’s siblings issued a statement saying the endorsement was a “a betrayal of the values our father and our family hold most dear.” This letter was signed by Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, Courtney Kennedy, Kerry Kennedy, Chris Kennedy, and Rory Kennedy. In an interview with MSNBC, Kerry Kennedy said she was “outraged and disgusted by my brother’s gaudy and obscene embrace of Donald Trump.” She added that her father “would have detested almost everything Donald Trump represents if he was alive today.” Another RFK descendant, brother Max, wrote an op-ed in the Los Angeles Times that denounced RFK Jr.’s support of Trump as “sordid,” as well as “a hollow grab for power, a strategic attempt at relevance.” Max Kennedy noted that prior to backing Trump, his brother had unsuccessfully approached the Harris campaign with a quid pro quo, a possible endorsement in exchange for a position in her administration. It appears that Trump made the kind of deal RFK Jr. wanted, so if Trump returns to the White House there will be a position waiting for the black sheep of the Kennedy dynasty. RFK Jr. boasted to Tucker Carlson that he’ll be part of Trump’s transition team and “help pick the people who will be running the government.” Writing in The Washington Post, columnist Karen Tumulty lamented that “RFK Jr. has sullied the Kennedy name and the dimming aura of Camelot.” It’s undeniable that RFK Jr. has betrayed the liberalism that his family, in its best moments, embodied. Indeed, RFK Jr. also proved disloyal to his own stated values, since only a few years ago he condemned Trump as a “threat to democracy,” “a terrible president,” and “a sociopath” whose politics was based on “bigotry,” “hatred,” and “xenophobia.” Given this abrupt about-face, it’s not surprising that former close collaborators with RFK Jr., notably the investigative journalist Greg Palast, openly speak about the politician as someone who has “lost his mind” But as manifestly corrupt as RFK Jr.’s behavior is, we should be wary of the narrative of Camelot betrayed, which relies on the attractive fiction that there is a unified and unsullied Kennedy legacy. In truth, the Kennedys, who have been national figures for more than a century, have been all over the map politically—not always in admirable ways. The family have long been Democrats, but at times very reactionary ones, in a manner that does decidedly show an affinity for Trumpism. As the historian Garry Wills documented in his classic book The Kennedy Imprisonment (1982), the most searching of all books about the dynasty, the family’s patriarch, Joseph Kennedy (1888–1969), imprinted on his large brood a host of bad habits. The grandchild of Irish immigrants and son of a successful Boston politician, Kennedy rose to stratospheric wealth through the stock market and liquor (although not, contrary to popular myths, by bootlegging). But his plutocratic success didn’t win Kennedy many friends among Boston’s Brahmins—snooty WASPs who saw the Irish as inherently low-class. Stung by social rejection, Kennedy pursued alternative paths to status via Hollywood (taking, among many other starlets, Gloria Swanson as a mistress) and politics. Although a Democrat who was appointed as ambassador to England from 1938 to 1940, Kennedy fought bitterly with President Franklin D. Roosevelt. During his disastrous term as ambassador, Kennedy threw in his lot with the aristocratic Cliveden set in England who wanted to accept Hitler as overlord of Europe in order to build a bulwark against communism. When his own government rejected this embrace of Nazi domination of Europe, Kennedy concluded that FDR’s mind had been poisoned by a cabal of wicked Jews (such as Felix Frankfurter and Sidney Hillman) who were dragging America to war. A primordial patriarch, Kennedy saw the world in belligerent macho terms: All men were rivals; all women existed for sexual conquest. He passed along this attitude to many of his sons, sometimes, as Wills and other historians have documented, sharing his mistresses with his boys. As Wills conclusively shows, this macho attitude was a pervasive part of the life of JFK and RFK (although RFK, who had a streak of devout Catholicism, was not a compulsive womanizer). During the 1950s both Kennedy brothers were classic Cold War militant anti-communists. JFK was pals with Joseph McCarthy, even going on double dates with the Wisconsin demagogue. RFK served on the staff of McCarthy’s Senate Subcommittee on Investigations and wanted to be chief counsel, a job that was won by Roy Cohn (who would go on to be Donald Trump’s mentor in the art of dirty politics). In 1960, JFK ran to the right of Richard Nixon on foreign policy, decrying a fictional missile gap. As Wills notes, the failed invasion of Cuba in 1961 at the Bay of Pigs was a pure distillation of the Kennedy style of masculinist politics. The Bay of Pigs, Wills argues, was taken to heart because it was so clearly marked with the new traits of Kennedy’s own government. It had for its target the man who obsessed Kennedy. It had for its leader the ideal of Kennedy’s “best and brightest.” It was a chess game backed by daring—played mind to mind, macho to macho, charisma to charisma. It was a James Bond exploit blessed by Yale, a PT raid run by Ph.D.s. It was the very definition of the New Frontier. To the credit of the Kennedys, they also had a capacity to learn from their mistakes. During the Cuban missile crisis, JFK discovered how dangerous brinksmanship could be. A new openness to diplomacy can be heard in JFK’s address to American University, delivered on June 10, 1963, just five months before he was assassinated. JFK’s counterinsurgency program and meddling in South Vietnamese politics (including turning a blind eye to the assassination plot against President Ngo Dinh Diem) entangled the United States in a disastrous war. But by the late 1960s, both RFK Jr. and Edward Kennedy were outspoken critics of that war. Edward Kennedy went on to be an outstanding liberal senator, although his role in the death of Mary Jo Kopechne, a manslaughter case covered by Kennedy cronies, is a reminder of the family’s outrageous license. And Edward Kennedy remained unchecked in his sexual harassment of women, a lasting family trait. Last November, I appeared on the podcast Know Your Enemy to talk about Wills’s Kennedy Imprisonment. The show’s cohost Sam Adler-Bell noted that, on many points, the JFK in the book reminded him of Donald Trump: an aggressive and exploitive womanizer with vulgar taste who was saturated with media culture (Frank Sinatra and the Rat Pack in the case of JFK, reality TV in the case of Trump). The Kennedy presidency was the first really media-dominated administration, obsessed with “charisma” (an idea taken from the sociologist Max Weber but popularized in that era) and image-making (a concept expounded in 1962 by the historian Daniel J. Boorstin). The traits of charismatic leadership, as detailed by the sociologist Reinhard Bendix and distilled by Wills, are eerily prescient of the Trump era: a loose, personal style of leadership that prioritizes the loyalty of cronies and transactional deal-making above consensus building, democratic accountability, or following norms. Further, the aristocratic ideals JFK inherited from his perversely Anglophilic father, the belief that strong societies require great leaders who can transcend the blindness of the masses, was the seedbed of antidemocratic impulses that still bedevil American society. The Kennedys, therefore, have a mixed legacy. If they have been leaders of American liberalism, they’ve also at times embodied anti-liberal impulses that are antithetical to democracy. One way to describe RFK Jr.’s politics is that in endorsing Trump he is abandoning the liberalism of Edward Kennedy and reverting to the America First authoritarianism of his grandfather. It’s easy to understand why RFK, his siblings, and his cousins all remain haunted by the legacy of their family. To be the children of great men who were killed young is a heavy burden. This is part of what Wills means by the Kennedy imprisonment. But both the family and America would benefit from finding a way to escape this prison. The problem is not just that RFK Jr. has betrayed his father’s legacy, but also that he and America need to be more clear-eyed about how limited that legacy is. Camelot was always a myth. To move forward, that myth has to be left behind.

Pamela Price, the Alameda County DA, is fighting a recall vote and to defend her unwavering refusal to over-criminalize young people.

Piper French




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